UPSC Daily News Summaries: Essential Current Affairs, Key Issues and Important Updates for Civil Services

Daily News Capsules

1. India to induct 3rd nuclear ballistic missile submarine

India is on course to strengthen its strategic forces with a new locally made nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine named Aridaman, with navy chief Admiral Dinesh K Tripathi on Tuesday confirming that it will be commissioned into service soon. Aridaman will be the navy’s third Arihant-class submarine, and will serve as an undetectable launch platform for missiles armed with nuclear warheads. Aridaman is set to be commissioned early next year, followed by a fourth SSBN codenamed S-4* in 2027. SSBN stands for ship submersible ballistic nuclear or nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines. The navy commissioned its second indigenous SSBN, INS Arighaat, at Visakhapatnam in August 2024, strengthening India’s nuclear triad or ability to launch strategic weapons from land, sea and air. The United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, France and China are the only other countries that can deliver nuclear warheads from a submarine. India’s first indigenous SSBN, the 6,000- tonne INS Arihant, was commissioned nine years ago and it successfully completed its first deterrence patrol in 2018. Both INS Arihant and INS Arighaat stay on continuous deterrence patrols and when the signal goes out from New Delhi, the platforms will be capable of launching nuclear missiles. The last two Arihant-class submarines, Aridaman and S-4*, are expected to be bigger and capable of launching longer range missiles. These SSBNs could be armed with K-4 SLBMs capable of striking targets up to 3,500 km away. India already has the capability to carry out nuclear strikes with fighter planes and land-launched missiles.

Possible Question

India’s sea-based nuclear deterrent is entering a new phase with the induction of larger and longer-range SSBNs. Critically analyse how this strengthens India’s nuclear doctrine of ‘credible minimum deterrence,’ and discuss the strategic, technological, and geopolitical challenges in sustaining an effective sea-leg of the nuclear triad.

2. SC tells ECI to consider Kerala plea for extending SIR deadline

The Supreme Court on Tuesday allowed the Kerala government to approach the Election Commission of India (ECI) for seeking an extension of the deadline for submission of enumeration forms under the ongoing special intensive revision (SIR) exercise in view of the local body elections to be held on December 9 and 11 (the counting is on December 13). A bench of Chief Justice of India (CJI) Surya Kant and justice Joymalya Bagchi passed the order after it was convinced by the Election Commission of India (ECI) that the SIR would not impact the local elections. Even the Kerala State Election Commission (KSEC) filed an affidavit clarifying that there is no impediment by SIR in the smooth conduct of elections to the local self governing institutions. The state government and other petitioners said the last date for collection of enumeration forms is December 11 and due to simultaneous conduct of SIR and local body polls, citizens in the state are facing genuine difficulty in providing details required in the process. The ECI pointed out that the enumeration exercise is almost complete with 98% forms distributed and about 88% being digitised. The court said, “If 88% of enumeration work is digitised and 98% of forms have been distributed, who is complaining?” However, to resolve the situation, the court asked ECI to consider the “just and fair” request of petitioners to extend the date for collection of forms. The SIR conducted by the ECI involves large-scale revision of electoral roll across the state that will require voters to verify their personal details by filling up enumeration forms and trace their name to that of a parent or relative’s name on the last revised electoral roll in the state.

Possible Question

Examine how large-scale verification exercises challenge federal cooperation, election preparedness, and the constitutional mandate of free and fair elections. Should the ECI evolve clearer protocols for synchronising revision cycles with state-level polls?

3. Can’t roll out red carpet: SC on Rohingya migrants

The Supreme Court on Tuesday expressed its reservation over extending judicial protection to undocumented Rohingya migrants, questioning whether courts and governments are expected to “roll out a red carpet” for illegal entrants when millions of Indian citizens continue to struggle for basic welfare entitlements such as food, education, housing and medical care. A bench of Chief Justice of India Surya Kant and justice Joymalya Bagchi indicated that illegal entrants cannot demand welfare rights on par with citizens. “You cross a fence; you dig a tunnel and you somehow enter the country and then ask for a variety of rights. You say ‘I am entitled to food, shelter and my children are entitled to a few things’. You want to stretch the law like this?” The bench also cast doubt on the repeated characterisation of such individuals as refugees. “How do you call them refugees? ‘Refugee’ is a well-defined term. Have they been given that status or are they just intruders?” the bench asked the counsel for activist-petitioner Rita Manchanda, who had sought details of the alleged deportation of five detainees. “Do we have an obligation to keep an intruder here when the legal status of refugee has not been accorded?” asked the court, making it clear that the issue extends beyond the fate of the five individuals. When counsel argued that the petition concerned custodial disappearance, not deportation, the bench continued its line of questioning: “We have a very sensitive border in our north and east. I hope everyone is aware of what is happening inside the country. Do you want red carpeting for intruders and that we will provide all facilities to them instead of being sent back to their country?” Solicitor General Tushar Mehta supported the court’s position, saying that recent petitions have expanded dramatically in scope under the guise of public interest, and that individuals unconnected to the detainees are now demanding sensitive operational documents.

Possible Question

India is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, yet it continues to host large numbers of displaced persons. In the context of recent judicial remarks on Rohingya migrants, critically evaluate India’s legal vacuum on refugee status determination.

4. Pakistan parliament passes non-Muslim rights bill

The Pakistan parliament on Tuesday passed a landmark bill to protect the rights of non-Muslims and establish a dedicated commission for minorities. Law Minister Azam Nazir Tarar moved the National Commission for Minority Rights Bill 2025, which was passed by the National Assembly and Senate in a joint session after intense debate. “The bill was delayed for 10 years and politics should not influence it,” Tarar said on the occasion, adding that the passage of the bill marks a historic step towards formalising minority rights protections in Pakistan. According to the bill, the commission will consist of 16 members. Each of the four provinces will nominate two minority members. One member will represent Islamabad, nominated at the discretion of the Chief Commissioner. Three members will come from existing bodies — the National Commission for Human Rights, the National Commission on the Status of Women, and the Child Rights Commission — nominated by their respective chairpersons. Officials from the Ministry of Law, Ministry of Religious Affairs, Ministry of Interior, and Ministry of Human Rights at Grade 21 will also serve on the commission.

Possible Question

Pakistan’s passage of the National Commission for Minority Rights Bill highlights the continuing challenges of minority protection in India’s neighbourhood. Compare the institutional frameworks for safeguarding minority rights across Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka.

5. Centre blocks 87 illegal loan lending apps

The Union government has informed the Parliament that the ministry of electronics and information technology (MeitY) has blocked 87 illegal loan lending applications under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000. This information came in a written reply to an unstarred question in the Lok Sabha on December 1, directed to the minister of corporate affairs. The question asked whether the government plans to define “shell companies” under the Companies Act, 2013, and what steps are being taken to improve monitoring and prevent illegal activities by non-functional firms. The ministry of corporate affairs said that “regulatory action… is taken from time to time” against companies involved in online lending through loan apps. It added that whenever violations are found, “appropriate legal action is taken. The ministry also clarified that while actions are being taken against non-compliant firms, the term “Shell Companies” has not been defined in the Companies Act, 2013, and there is no proposal to introduce such a definition. The answer also highlighted the broader enforcement mechanism, stating that the government orders “Inquiries, Inspections, Investigations respectively on the basis of complaints, references and information regarding non-compliances.” Suitable action, including striking off companies, is taken based on these findings.

Possible Question

Discuss the adequacy of India’s current legal architecture—IT Act, RBI regulations, Companies Act—in curbing digital predation. What additional institutional mechanisms are needed to regulate algorithmic lending, cross border app operations, and misuse of personal data?

Editorial Snapshots

A. In pursuit of a SMART police

Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi’s remark at the All India Conference of Director Generals and Inspector Generals of Police in Raipur, that the public perception of the force needs to change, points to a disturbing reality. The police in India are perceived mostly as the strong arm of the corrupt and the powerful, and unfriendly to the citizenry. From the 1970s, when the Janata Party government, in the wake of the Emergency’s excesses, appointed the National Police Commission, to the 2006 Supreme Court judgment in the Prakash Singh case that called for an overhaul of the conduct of the force, and from the lived experience of citizens to court orders on encounter and custodial killings, it is well-documented that the police and policing need to change in radical ways. There have been baby steps at reforms, but mostly piecemeal or superficial: Justice KT Thomas committee set up to monitor progress on police reforms after the Prakash Singh case in 2010 said no state had fully complied with the court’s instructions. PM Modi, soon after assuming office in 2014, had advocated that the police turn SMART — strict and sensitive, modern and mobile, alert and accountable, reliable and responsive, techno-savvy and trained. Much has changed, surely, but more needs to be done. The political executive has been content with the police sticking to their old ways and doing its bidding rather than being a force that acts fairly and in accordance with the law. For the force to uphold fidelity to the law and resist corrupting and criminalising influences, it must have true functional autonomy, which state governments are reluctant to allow. The police also need to be staffed better, trained in the use of technology and analytical tools of crime detection, and provided with quality equipment. According to 2022 data, the ratio for police personnel per lakh persons across India is 196.23 as per sanctioned strength and 152.80 as per actual strength, suggesting a 22% vacancy. A well-staffed, trained, and rested police force is likely to be more sensitive to citizens’ concerns than the current understaffed, overstretched, and politicised one.

Possible Question

Critically examine why the Prakash Singh reforms have not translated into ground-level change. How can India build a police force that balances autonomy with accountability in an era of rising cybercrime, public distrust, and political interference?

B. LWE fight needs a development focus

India’s electoral democracy is set to reach the forests of Abujhmad in Chhattisgarh’s Bastar region, with the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the country’s electoral rolls. Under the exercise, voters from the Dandami Madai tribe will see their names enter the rolls for the first time, upholding the constitutional promise of universal adult franchise. For a region that was virtually cut off from the rest of India for decades due to Left-wing extremism (LWE), this fundamental affirmation of the country’s democratic process is a metaphor for a true “return of power to the people”. To that end, the State’s recent military assertion against the Maoists — many have been killed and larger numbers have surrendered — has prepared the ground for the Naxal heartland to emerge from the shadow of the gun and join India’s democratic mainstream. The Maoists could well retreat into history if the State keeps to its path, but a convincing return of LWE-affected areas to India’s democracy needs addressing the factors that allowed them to thrive there. The region’s dense forests helped the Naxals to carve out a stronghold after they fled armed action in erstwhile Andhra Pradesh — but it was equally about the State’s failure to deliver public goods and services to some of India’s most vulnerable people. The Maoists’ ability to drum up support among communities that originally had no representation in their cadres shows how effectively they were able to harness local deprivation to their anti-State narrative. This underscored the absence of participatory development in geographies that have supported progress elsewhere through their abundant resources. There are several micro models of development that have successfully addressed the concerns of tribals elsewhere, which the State must immediately implement, tweaking them for the local context. The post-Maoist future of Abujhmad will depend on how the government builds its capabilities here in the coming days.

Possible Question

Analyse how governance deficits, land and forest rights disputes, and tribal alienation created fertile ground for Maoist mobilisation. In the post-conflict phase, what institutional reforms and community-centric development models are essential for ensuring a durable peace in regions like Abujhmad?

Fact of the day

India’s gross GST collections see marginal growth in November: Gross Goods and Services Tax (GST) revenue saw less than 1% annualized growth to 1.70 lakh crore in November, the first full month after the tax rates were rationalised, with government officials and industry experts saying that the short-term moderation in collections was only to be expected—and pointing out that the fact that the revenue has not fallen on account of a major boost in consumption, which was also expected. The November collections were 1,70,276 crore, compared to 1,69,016 crore in November 2024, and it was the lowest in the first eight months of 2025-26. The lower GST rates kicked in from September 22, and November reflects actual business transactions in October, the first full month after the cuts. Cess revenue in the month of November fell by over 69% to 4,006 crore as compared to 12.950 crore in the same month previous year, according to latest data released by the Union finance ministry on Monday. The GST rate rationalisation also saw removal of the compensation cess on luxury items, except for sin goods like pan masala and tobacco goods. Gross revenues in the first eight months (April-November 2025) of the current financial year registered around 9% growth to over 14.75 lakh crore as compared to 13.55 lakh crore in April-November 2024, according to the data. Net GST revenue after refunds in November saw a 1.3% increase to 1,52,079 crore as compared to 1,50,062 crore in the same month of previous year. “While the GST collections were expected to moderate due to the steep rate cuts across the board, there was an expectation of a consumption boost on account of these rate cuts,” M.S. Mani, partner at Deloitte India, said. The GST Council on September 3 announced transformative next generation of reforms in the indirect tax regime—GST 2.0, with a two-slab rate structure of 5% and 18% instead of four slabs, with a special rate of 40% for luxury and sin goods from September 22, making hundreds of products cheaper.

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