Daily News Capsules
1. DoT directs firms to pre-install cybersecurity app on phones
All cellphone makers and importers must pre-install the cyber security “Sanchar Saathi” app on handsets for sale in India within 90days, an official directive from the Department of Tele communications (DoT) said. A DoT official confirmed the directive and said users can uninstall the app if they want. Media reports initially said the directive had restricted uninstallation of the app. The app allows users to verify their cellphone’s International Mobile Equipment Identity (IMEI) number –a unique ID that helps identify devices–as well as report the misuse of such numbers. Officials said the app was essential to combat “serious endangerment” of telecom cyber security from duplicate or spoofed IMEI numbers, which enable scams and network misuse. Another DoT official, who asked not to be named, said the app will make it easier to report fraud. “Now, reporting time varies because users have to go to the website to report fraud or stolen mobile phones,” said the official. According to the directive, issued on November 28, all original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) and importers have 90 days to install the Appa cross their cellphone lineup, and a further 30 days to file a compliance report with DoT. Manufacturers will be required to push out software updates with the app for all devices already manufactured, sold, or with in supply chain cycles. Users will also need to register on the Sanchaar Sathi app before it can be used. The app will not require OTP verification.
Possible Question
In the context of the Sanchar Saathi directive, analyse how privacy, proportionality, digital security, and consumer rights must be balanced when the government requires pre-installed apps on personal devices.
2. Parity not sole ground for bail: SC sets aside HC order
Emphasising that the principle “bail is the rule and jail, an exception,” does not entitle all accused to automatic relief, the Supreme Court has held that courts must also weigh the specific role of each accused, the gravity of the alleged offence, and its impact on society before granting bail. A bench of justices Sanjay Karol and N Kotiswar Singh further stressed that bail orders must contain reasons, and cannot be passed mechanically or solely on the principle of parity. Setting aside the bail orders issued by the Allahabad high court to two accused in a murder case, the bench explained that parity can be claimed only when the accused stands in a similar position in terms of conduct and responsibility, not merely because they are involved in the same incident. “The requirement of ‘position’ is not met only by involvement in the same offence. Position means the role of the person in the crime. Someone who fired a weapon or swung a machete will stand differently from someone who was merely part of a crowd,” added the bench.
Possible Question
Analyse how the Supreme Court’s evolving bail jurisprudence seeks to reconcile individual liberty with societal interests.
3. GPS spoofing reported at major airports: Minister
GPS spoofing signals were received over the past month at the Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai and other airports although no flight movements were affected, civil aviation minister Ram Mohan Naidu informed Parliament on Monday. GPS spoofing entails sending fake satellite signals to trick a navigation system into showing the wrong position, speed or time. Unlike jamming, which floods the spectrum on which GPS satellites function, spoofing feeds aircraft false but convincing navigation data, which can cause errors in route or altitude and pose serious safety risks. The Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) issued an advisory circular in 2023 for addressing signal interference in airspace and issued a standard operating procedure (SoP) on November 10 this year, after a spoofing episode in Delhi, for real-time reporting of GPS spoofing/GNSS interference events around IGI airport. “The Airports Authority of India (AAI) has also requested the Wireless Monitoring Organization (WMO) to possibly identify the source of interference/spoofing,” the minister stated.
Possible Question
Examine the institutional, technological, and inter-agency coordination challenges India faces in protecting critical infrastructure from emerging cyber physical attacks.
4. Parties declare sharp rise in funding after electoral bonds
Political parties have reported a sharp rise in declared contributions for 2024 25 in the first full year after electoral bonds were scrapped. While the BJP is yet to submit its report, the Congress tops the list with ₹517.37 crore, nearly double its ₹281.48 crore inflow in 2023-24, while Trinamool Congress’ (TMC) receipts surged to ₹184.96 crores from just ₹6.52 crore last year. Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) reported contributions of ₹38.1 crore, up from ₹11.06 crore, and Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) saw its receipts rise to ₹11.09 crore from ₹11.67 lakh. Regional parties, including BJD and TDP, also disclosed higher contributions compared with the previous year. Electoral bonds, introduced in 2018 as a mechanism for anonymous political donations, allowed individuals and corporates to contribute to parties without disclosing their identity publicly. In February 2024, the Supreme Court struck down the electoral bonds framework, ruling that it lacked sufficient transparency and accountability. Since then, parties have increasingly relied on electoral trusts and direct corporate contributions to raise funds.
Possible Question
In the aftermath of the Supreme Court’s judgment striking down electoral bonds, evaluate the transparency, accountability, and equity concerns in India’s political funding landscape. How should future reforms balance donor privacy, public interest, and the need to curb undue corporate influence?
5. Trump speaks with Maduro as US piles up pressure on Venezuela
US President Donald Trump confirmed on Sunday he had recently spoken with Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro amid soaring tensions between the two countries, while Caracas slammed what it called US preparations for an attack, AFP reported. “I wouldn’t say it went well or badly. It was a phone call,” Trump told reporters Sunday aboard Air Force One. ‘The New York Times’ reported on Friday that Trump and Maduro had discussed a possible meeting, while ‘The Wall Street Journal’ said on Saturday that the conversation also included conditions of amnesty if Maduro were to step down. Republican Senator Markwayne Mullin said on Sunday on CNN’s “State of the Union” show that the United States has offered Maduro the chance to leave his country for Russia or elsewhere. The United States is piling the pressure on Venezuela, with a major military buildup in the Caribbean, the designation of an alleged drug cartel run by Maduro as a terrorist group, and an ominous warning from Trump that Venezuelan airspace is “closed.” Washington says the aim of the military deployment launched in September is to curb drug trafficking in the region, but Caracas insists regime change is the ultimate goal. The United States accuses Maduro, the political heir to Venezuela’s late leftist leader Hugo Chavez, of heading the “Cartel of the Suns” and has issued a $50 million reward for his capture. But Venezuela and countries that support it insist no such organization even exists.
Possible Question
Discuss how great-power coercive diplomacy—such as sanctions, military signalling, and conditional amnesty—reshapes political outcomes in fragile states. Evaluate the implications of such strategies for sovereignty, regional stability, and the norms of international relations.
Editorial Snapshots
A. Nuances in the debate on the age of consent
Debates on children’s issues often erupt into public controversy, and the current discussion on the age of consent is no different. The latest trigger is a petition in the Supreme Court of India challenging the criminalisation of consensual sexual activity between adolescents aged 16–18 years in Nipun Saxena vs Union of India. The age of consent is not the same as the age of majority or the age of marriage. It simply marks the age at which an individual can legally consent to sexual activity. The debate over this age has existed since the late 1800s, with the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act in 2012 raising the threshold to 18 from 16 despite concerns about the practical implications of such a change. Evidence shows that adolescents do engage in sexual relationships regardless of adult misgivings. The courts are inundated with what are commonly called “love cases”— criminal proceedings arising from consensual adolescent relationships. The courts themselves have acknowledged this reality. This divide frames the current debate. On one side are those who argue that adolescent sexuality is a fact of life and that the law must evolve to avoid criminalising young people in consensual relationships. On the other hand are those who believe lowering the age of consent will promote promiscuity, increase teenage pregnancies, and heighten vulnerability to exploitation, child marriage, and trafficking — especially among Dalit, Bahujan, and Adivasi communities. Under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), all sexual activity involving anyone under 18 — whether consensual or not — is treated as statutory rape. Mandatory reporting under POCSO has created further complications. Girls facing unintended pregnancies — often from consensual relationships — struggle to access safe, confidential abortion services because health care providers fear legal consequences. Preventing such pregnancies is more effectively achieved through comprehensive sexuality education and access to contraception, not criminal prosecution. The goal is not to encourage sexual activity among minors but to distinguish harm from innocence, coercion from curiosity. It is to provide protection to children — and not be protectionist.
Possible Question
Should India recalibrate the age of consent under POCSO? Critically examine the legal, social, and public-health dimensions involved. How can the State protect adolescents from exploitation without criminalising consensual peer relationships?
B. Recalibrating Russia ties with an eye on EU
Russian president Vladimir Putin’s visit to New Delhi for an annual bilateral summit this week comes at a time when India finds itself in a very delicate balancing act between the legacy relationships with Moscow and more recent partnerships with Washington and Brussels. It will be an opportunity for India to reassert its strategic autonomy by revitalising defence and economic ties with Russia, especially as there are indications that the two sides are close to big ticket outcomes in areas ranging from military hardware to civil nuclear cooperation. However, India must keep in mind that its new partners in the European Union (EU) will be keeping a close eye on those very outcomes as New Delhi prepares to host the top leadership of the 27-member European bloc for another summit in January. India will have to resort to very deft manoeuvring to ensure that the summit with Russia doesn’t affect what is an increasingly consequential partnership with the EU, especially as the two sides are set to conclude a major trade deal. This is also about India smartly pivoting its foreign policy choices at a time of great geopolitical uncertainty and unpredictability on the international stage, mainly because of the policy shifts by the Trump administration in the US. With global institutions becoming increasingly irrelevant because of the whimsical positions of Trump 2.0, a period of bilateralism has kicked in. India has tackled this phase by actively pursuing legacy relations and scouting for new friends, and by expanding markets. Putin’s visit comes against this backdrop. While defence acquisitions and joint development of hardware are central to India-Russia ties, New Delhi must address the lopsided nature of trade by ensuring greater access to Russian markets. India must also calibrate its approach to Russia’s policy on Ukraine while keeping in mind Europe’s concerns.
Possible Question
India today navigates a complex triangular engagement with Russia, the EU, and the United States. Critically analyse whether India’s balancing strategy is sustainable in the face of shifting global power alignments, defence dependencies, and trade ambitions.
Fact of the day
Women are less likely to have salaried jobs in India than men: That women are less likely to work compared to men in India is a well-known fact. The labour force participate rate (LFPR) for women in 31%, 28 percentage points lower than for men. That women have to shoulder a greater burden of household work and care giving is one of the major reasons for this deficit. However, even among the women who do manage to break the glass ceiling to enter the job market, the disadvantage far from disappears. The share of women workers who have a salaried job in India is significantly lower than this is for men. However, this disadvantage does seem to come down with age. While services have a much larger share in salaried jobs in Indian than manufacturing, the difference is even bigger for women when compared to men across age groups. The share of salaried jobs for women in services is almost seven times the share of such jobs in manufacturing. This is almost thrice what this difference is for men, and it holds across age groups. What is even more interesting is the fact that a lot of the difference between the share of salaried jobs for men and women in services is on account of just one sub-sector of services: public administration, defence, and other services. To be sure, this sub-sector also includes jobs such as teaching. In fact, the share of the of other two services sub-sectors – financial services, real estate, and professional services; and trade, hotel, transport, storage, and communication – in salaried jobs of men is greater than women in India. At the same time, the gap between men and women salaried workers in things such as a job with a written contract, paid leave, or social security is much lower than what it is for gender gap i the labour force or salaried workers as a whole.
