In 1951, Nepal had its first tryst with democracy. An iconic hand-wave from a plane by Nepal’s King Tribhuvan in Kathmandu, returning from India seven and a half decades ago, is still synonymous with democracy. People chanted slogans hailing democracy. The airport was later named after him — Tribhuvan International Airport, which caters to both international and domestic flights.
Cut to 2025. On March 9, Tribhuvan’s grandson, Gyanendra, arrived at the same airport from the tourist town of Pokhara, some 200 km west of Kathmandu. He waved to his supporters as he stuck his head out from the sunroof of an SUV. This time, people who had gathered to welcome Mr. Gyanendra, dethroned in 2008, chanted slogans for the reinstatement of the monarchy.
Nepal transitioned into a republic 17 years ago on the wave of massive protests, with tens of thousands of people marching on the streets of Kathmandu in 2006, demanding the ouster of Mr. Gyanendra for his 2005 coup. Mr. Gyanendra capitulated, and with him, the 240-year-old monarchy ended in Nepal.
Estimated at 10,000-15,000 people, the rally on March 9 to welcome Mr. Gyanendra, observers and analysts say, was modest.
“But the point is all those who were there at the rally are not necessarily pro-monarchists,” says Sanjeev Uprety, a professor and writer. “There is widespread frustration among the public as the leaders in the new republic have failed to deliver. So the rally, to some, gave a platform to vent out their anger”.
Democratic journey
In the past 74 years, Nepal’s democratic journey has been a bumpy ride. Tribhuvan’s son, Mahendra, committed a coup in 1960 to impose the unitary system of governance — Panchayat — which lasted 30 years. The 1990 movement restored democracy with the constitutional monarchy. Mr. Gyanendra’s 2005 coup failed to last long.
Revolving-door politics has been the bane of Nepal, with the same faces returning to power. There have been half a dozen government changes since 2015 when the country promulgated its new Constitution that guaranteed the republican system and 13 governments since 2008 when the monarchy was abolished.
“Politics became too leader-centric, and the over-politicisation of institutions and politicians’ lust for power and money have sowed the seeds of anger among the general public,” said Mr. Uprety. “But this does not mean there is this keen urge among the public to dismantle the system and bring back the monarchy.”
Nepal’s economy has been stuttering, manufacturing is weak, its trade deficit is high, and the unemployment rate is soaring, leading to a mass exodus of youth to foreign lands for study and jobs. All of this has been blamed on the politicians of the republic.
At the March 9 rally, a group of youth in their mid-20s said they were there not because they supported the monarchy but because they were angry at politicians “who have failed to deliver”.
“I am not a monarchist, but I am not happy with the republican leaders either,” he said. “I want good colleges for study, jobs, a good environment for business… and that’s it. I don’t want to be branded as someone with links to any political party. Can’t I be just a Nepali?”
Dambar Khatiwada, a Left-leaning writer and proponent of alternative politics, says the debate over the return of the monarchy is not a new phenomenon, and this will continue in Nepal for many years to come.
“The recent rally did ruffle some politicians’ feathers, not because they see the return of the monarchy, but because it reminded them harshly of their failures,” he said. “The monarchy’s history was long before it was abolished, so its vestiges will remain.”
Nepal’s almost all revolutions have had some connection with India. Tribhuvan returned from Delhi to declare democracy in 1951. In 1990, Nepali political parties enjoyed huge support from Indian politicians for the restoration of democracy. The 12-point agreement between Nepali parties that ultimately led to Nepal’s transition into a republic was signed in New Delhi.
As the pro-monarchy rally proceeded on March 9, a poster of Yogi Adityanath, the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, surfaced on social media. It did not take long for it to get the spin that there is Indian support for the monarchy rally. Mr. Gyanendra has often met with Mr. Adityanath, during his trips to India in the recent past.
Reactions were sharp from politicians across party lines, with even Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli making remarks about Mr. Adityanath’s poster at the rally.
Mr. Khatiwada brushed off the Adityanath poster as insignificant, saying the responses from politicians were because they are on the defensive. According to him, there are three psychologies at play in Nepal vis-a-vis the monarchy and the republican system.
“There is one that says things were far better during the monarchy and the republican system has failed in this country. Hence, they root for the return of the monarchy,” he said. “Second is that which says things have not gotten worse even though the system has been slow on various fronts. So this status quo is propagated by the current crop of politicians and parliamentary parties.”
The third is, according to him, that which says the current system has not been up to the mark, it should be strengthened and made effectively functional, and even looking back at the monarchy is absolutely regressive.
“But the problem is that the third pole is weak. Hence, Nepal’s politics is swinging between the binary of the first two,” he said. “Nevertheless, the pro-monarchist force is too weak to reinstate the monarchy.”
The illusory spectre
The Rastriya Prajatantra Party, a political outfit mainly consisting of those who were in power during the Panchayat system and Mr. Gyanendra’s rule, is one of the groups that organised the March 9 rally.
Sagun Sunder Lawoti, spokesperson for the party, says the rally in Kathmandu and rallies across the country are meant “to put the house in order.”
“The current dispensation has failed the country and the people. We are not against democracy. We are for the constitutional monarchy that will help or contribute to setting things right, for instance, democratic checks and balances,” he said.
But on the question of how a constitutional monarch, with no executive powers, could fix things, Mr. Lawoti said, “[The monarchy] will help strengthen democracy and national unity, uphold religion, culture, and harmony. It will contribute, as soft power, in improving international relations.”
But observers say the monarchy is a pipe dream in Nepal.
“It’s time for parties to make a serious introspection. Politicians should rise above paying lip service and get down to action — to deliver, to connect with the people, to strengthen the current system,” said Mr. Uprety, the writer who is also involved in a campaign that is calling for an end to leader-centric politics. “People are yearning for an end to this vicious cycle of corruption, power play, and political inertia. They are frustrated, but I don’t think the Nepali people have the desire for the monarchy.”
Mr. Gyanendra became king in 2002 after a royal massacre in which his brother and family were killed. He was the constitutional head until 2005, when he usurped power, dissolved Parliament, jailed politicians, cut off communications, and cracked down on the media. He declared a state of emergency and used the army to rule the country with absolute power.
“That’s not long ago. So people have not forgotten the excesses of the king’s rule. So this illusory spectre of the monarchy rises and fades,” said Mr. Khatiwada. “The question, however, remains if we can have that third pole in the country that extricates us from that binary so as to ignite a strong debate on how to strengthen the democratic republican system.”
Published – March 15, 2025 04:00 am IST
